The Slow Descent into an Abyss
German historian and Hitler biographer Volker Ullrich (
See: Shulmaven:
My Amazon Review of Volker Ullrich's "Hitler: Downfall, 1939-1945 , Shulmaven:
My Amazon Review of Volker Ullrich's "Hitler: Ascent, 1889-1939",
and Shulmaven:
My Amazon Review of Volker Ullrich's "Germany 1923: Hyper Inflation,
Hitler's Putsch and...." ) has chronicled the rise and then the slow
collapse of the Weimar Republic, 1918-1933. ( See: Shulmaven:
My Amazon Review of Frank McDonough's "The Weimar Years: Rise and Fall
1918-1933" and Shulmaven:
My Amazon Review of Benjamin Carter Hett's "The Death of Democracy:
Hitler's Rise to Power and the Downfall of the Weimar Republic" ) Like others Ullrich does not believe that the
collapse was inevitable and neither was the rise of Hitler. There was much
human agency involved as well as three untimely deaths.
The first and most dramatic was the political assignation of
foreign minister Walter Rathenau in 1922. Rathenau had just shocked Europe with
the Rapallo Treaty with the Soviet Union and was working on solving the
reparations crisis. He was perhaps the only German statesman that the Allies
trusted enough to make a deal on reparations. With his death the road was open
to the reparations crisis of 1923 which brought on the occupation of the Ruhr
and the hyper-inflation of 1923, a shock that Germany would not really recover
from.
The second two would die of natural causes. President Friedrich Ebert died in 1925 paving the way for Paul von Hindenburg and former prime minister and foreign minister Gustav Stresemann in 1929. Although Stresemann was the leader of the right wing German National People's Party, he firmly supported the Weimar Constitution and he showed his mettle in Ruhr/inflation crisis of 1923. He was, perhaps, the only politician in Germany who could have taken on Hitler.
Ullrich believes that, at the outset, Weimar did not do
enough to reform German society, especially after the general strike of 1920
put down the Kapp putsch. Whether the Social Democrats had the will and the
power to do it is an open question. Indeed, they relied on the Frei Corps to put down a communist revolt in 1919. Of course, had they succeeded, history would
have taken a different turn.
To Ullrich the election of the authoritarian Hindenburg
represented the hinge of German history. It was Hindenburg along with the
machinations of prime ministers Franz von Papen and Kurt von Schleicher that enabled
Hitler to come to power in 1933. They though Hitler could be controlled, but
they were immediately disabused of that notion.
In my mind Ullrich doesn’t spend enough time on the
socialist/communist split. Had those two leftwing parties held together they
had the votes to stop Hitler. Instead, the communists went to bed with the
Nazi’s in 1931-32 helping to bring down the Bruning government. They did this
just when Heinrich Bruning’s policies were on the brink of success at the
Lausanne Conference, which suspended reparations payments.
To sum up, Weimar was dealt with a bad hand that it played well for a while, but at the end of the day it wasn’t quite enough. Ullrich warns that today in the West we have a far better hand, but it remains to be seen whether the forces of the populist Right will be contained. We ignore his warning at our peril.
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