Civilization held Hostage to Land
Mike Bird, the Wall
Street editor of The Economist, has written a detailed history of the role of
land in society in general and the economy in particular starting with the
Babylonian Empire. He makes three broad generalizations about land: it is fixed
in quantity, it is immobile and it doesn’t depreciate. Although land is
definitely immobile, it is not really fixed in supply, and it can depreciate.
The application of capital to land can increase its supply. Witness a good
portion of lower Manhattan buildings sitting on landfills and provisioning of
water to desert lands to make them productive. Phoenix is a clear example here.
Although there are no depreciation schedules for land, the value of land has
suffered long term declines due to changes in the broader economy and
environmental pollution.
Because I once headed
real estate research at the old Salomon Brothers, I found Bird’s narrative
particularly interesting. I was a careful student of the Japanese real estate
bubble in the 1980’s and I chronicled the real estate boom and bust in the
United States from the early 80’s to its nadir in 1992. In the Japanese and the
U.S cases the collapse in real estate values caused a debt crisis in both
countries. As Bird notes the ability to borrow on real estate can put a real
estate cycle on overdrive, both on the upside and the downside. The 1990 real
estate bust turned out to be small change when a collapse in real estate values
triggered the global financial crisis in 2008. On the other owner occupied real
estate has served as collateral to fund numerous businesses, some of which have
become quite large. Bird cites McDonald’s as an example.
If there is a hero in
Bird’s book it is Henry George, the author of “Progress and Poverty.” An 1879
best seller. George rightly argued that much of the gains associated with
rising land values are the result of improvements in society and are thus
unearned. The landowner just sits there and takes advantage of the improvement
in society and the economy. George’s solution was to tax perceived unearned
increment away to fund the government. At the time he thought a single tax on
land would suffice. His ideas became all the rage, and he was almost elected
mayor of New York City on his single tax platform. Unfortunately, his movement
faded away.
Bird is very
cognizant of the fact that in much of the developed world today the ownership
land has become a major driver of income inequality. Simply put, those who have
it are far better off than those who don’t and because the value of land is
very sensitive to interest rates, the easy money policy pursued by central
bankers since 2008 has sent land prices skyrocketing. In a real sense, we are
living in a neo-feudal world that separates the landed from the landless.
Aside from discussing
the history of land in the Anglosphere, Bird discusses land policies in China,
Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, Korea, and India with the all-time biggest bubble
ever taking place in China. In his discussion of Asian land policies, he cites
the work of Wolf Ladejinsky a U.S. Department of Agriculture staffer and later
private consultant who was instrumental in creating the land policies in
Taiwan, Korea, and India. To Bird, Singapore comes across a model where the
government own the land and leases it to condominium developers that attaches
pricing regulation to make the units affordable. As a result, Singapore has the
lowest house price/income ratio in the developed world. Albeit it is a very
expensive program.
In sum Bird argues
that society is trapped by the high price of land. For example, policies that
would lower the price of land to make housing more affordable would have the
knock-on effect of lowering the wealth of existing owners and possibly
triggering a financial crisis if those owners default. This policy bind will be
with us for a long time.