On the Road to
Perdition
Third Reich historian
Frank McDonough has written a year-by-year tick tock history of the Weimar
Republic from its founding in 1918 to its demise on January 30, 1933. It is
largely a political history where he sometimes goes into excruciating detail
about the various cabinet changes over the years. His hero is Gustav
Stresemann, prime minister and for many years foreign minister. He was perhaps
Germany’s most influential politician from 1925 -1929 where he negotiated a
détente with the West though the Locarno Treaty. Unfortunately, deliberate, or
not there was not Locarno for the East where Stresemann had designs on the
eastern territories taken away from Germany at Versailles.
McDonough rightly
notes that the premature deaths of Foreign Minister Walter Rathenau by
assassination in 1922 and the deaths by disease of President Friedrich Ebert
and Stresemann severely eroded the talent of the regime. I have written
elsewhere that Stresemann’s death in 1929 removed the last politician of
stature who could have stood up to Hitler.
Weimar was plagued
from the beginning by a flawed constitution and its lack of legitimacy among
the German Right. The two fundamental flaws in the constitution were
proportional representation that allowed for the smallest of parties to have a
voice in Reichstag and Article 48 which enabled the president to rule by
decree. That would haunt the government as the economic crisis of the 1930’s
hit.
Further, it was this
government that signed the Versailles Treaty that established Germany’s sole
guilt in starting World War I and placed a severe reparations burden on the
economy. It was a tough start and that along with crippling inflation almost
brought the government down. However, as Robert Gerwath noted in “November
1918: The Great Revolution” Weimar survived and with Dawes Plan loans in 1925
actually prospered.
So why did Weimar collapse?
To McDonough the faults lie with the lack of responsible parties on the Right
and with President Paul von Hindenburg, the hero of World War I, who in the late
1920’s was supportive of the government, returned to his monarchal roots as a
Prussian land baron. It was he, along with the intrigues of Franz von Papen and
Kurt von Schleicher who brought down the hapless Heinrich Bruning government in
1932. Bruning’s government was imposed on the Reichstag by Hindenburg. He never
had a parliamentary majority and with the lack of foreign currency reserves he
was forced to impose a draconian austerity policy on an economy already in
depression. To me Bruning did not have much of a choice. By the way, the best
tick-tock on the end of Weimar is in Rudiger Barth’s and Hauke Friedrichs’ “The
Last Winter of the Weimar Republic.”
Indeed, the decay was
evident in December 1930 when Nazi goons disrupted the German premier of the anti-war
film, “All Quiet on the Western Front.” So great were their disruptions that
the film was banned a week after the failed premier. This has a familiar ring
today in America where pro-Palestine mobs are canceling Jewish performers and
Israeli officials.
Away from politics
McDonough discusses the flowering of culture in art (abstract expressionism),
architecture (Bauhaus), and film (Metropolis). Indeed, Berlin was second only
to Hollywood in film production in the 1920’s. There was also the very free and
licentious culture of Berlin’s nightclub scene. It was not for nothing that the
recent German TV series was called “Babylon Berlin.” What McDonough does not
mention is that this Avant Garde culture just might have turned off small city
and rural Germany who overwhelmingly voted for Hitler in 1932.
However, my two
primary concerns with McDonough’s otherwise excellent work is that he down plays
economics. He should have taken seriously the works of Frederick Taylor’s “The
Downfall of Money,” and Tobias Straumann’s “1931: Debt Crisis and the Rise of
Hitler.” Simply put, Weimar was not up to the task. However, to his credit,
McDonough does not that Hitler’s opposition to the Young Plan in 1930 made him
respectable.
My second concern is
that he failed to emphasize the long-standing division in the Left between the
Socialists and the Communists. The split started during World War I and was exacerbated
by the Socialist government with the support of the Army and the Free Corps in
putting down the communist Spartacist Revolt in early 1920. Later in 1929 a
different socialist government put down the “Bloody May” communist
demonstration in 1929. McDonough doesn’t even mention this and with the
communists calling the socialists “social fascists” it less of a surprise
seeing them join forces with the Nazis in bringing down the Bruning government
and in supporting a transit strike in Berlin in late 1932. Thus, part of the
blame for the rise of Hitler has to fall on the disunity of the Left. As I have
written previously the global impact of the Russian Revolution was to split the
Left and harden the Right. It certainly played out in 1930 Germany.
With my concerns
aside, McDonough’s book is important. I learned much from it and there are
certainly lessons for today.
For the full amazon URL see: On the Road to Perdition (amazon.com)